Extraordinary assembly

The other provisions of the Constitution have no great interest for the outer world. A number of the clauses are concerned with the establishment of a Grand Sobranje, which is to be elected by the same constituencies as those which return the ordinary Sobranje, but which is to consist of double the number of representatives. This extraordinary assembly is to be convoked when questions have to be decided, having reference to the acquisition or cession of national territory, to any change in the Constitution, to a vacancy in the throne, and to the appointment of a regency. As soon as the questions submitted to this body have been decided by vote one way or the other, its functions are at an end.

A number of more or less abstract principles are also affirmed in the charter, which seem to have been intro-duced into this document rather for the purpose of satisfy-ing public opinion abroad than of meeting any immediate home demand. The Press is declared to be absolutely free, the right of public meeting is guaranteed, and the establishment of any kind of censorship is declared illegal. All religious denominations are secured perfect liberty of worship so long as the practice of their creed is not incon-sistent with the law. No difference between one class and another is to be permitted in respect of their legal status.

 Fundamental laws

All titles of nobility, and all decorations of any kind, are pronounced to be inconsistent with the fundamental laws of the realm. Slavery and the slave-trade are prohibited ; and all slaves, whatever their sex, nationality, or creed, are to become free on setting foot on Bulgarian soil. The right of property is proclaimed inviolable, and it is expressly asserted that no private property can be expropriated by the State without adequate compensation. Torture and confiscation of property are forbidden ; and the secrecy of letters and telegrams is affirmed to be a matter of universal necessity.

Dissolving the Sobranje

The actual causes of the dissensions between the Prince and his Ministers are not very intelligible at this distance of time. It is certain, however, that Prince Alexander came, rightly or wrongly, to the conclusion that his Ministers were determined to thwart his own policy in every way, and that, in the event of his dissolving the Sobranje, any elections held under the control of the then Ministry would, as a matter of course, return a majority of their nominees. He therefore dismissed his Ministers, and issued a proclamation convoking the Grand Sobranje. In the same proclamation he informed his people that he felt it his duty to abdicate, unless the Assembly should agree to suspend the Constitution for seven years, and to allow him during this period to govern the country without a Parliament. His action may have been unwise, but it was not in excess of the powers conferred on him by the Constitution.

The elections, which were held under an executive composed of his supporters, returned a majority hostile to the late Ministry. Thereupon the Grand Sobranje agreed to accept the terms on which alone the Prince professed himself ready to retain the throne. Owing, however, to strong pressure which was brought to bear upon him from Russia, the Prince gave way within a few months of the extraordinary powers which he had demanded being conferred upon him, and consented to the re-establishment of the original Constitution. Since then there has been no recurrence of this constitutional difficulty.

Prince Ferdinand

That this has been so is due partly to the fact that the reigning Prince has shown more good sense and judgment than his predecessor ; partly to the political ability of the statesmen who have held office under Prince Ferdinand ; but, above all, to the accident that, of late years, both the Prince and the Sobranje have had a common interest in avoiding any collision which might furnish an excuse for Russian intervention. The difficulty, however, still exists, though for the present it remains latent.

Government of the Peasant State

It struck me somewhat unpleasantly, during the period of which I speak, to hear it said on every side, that the success of Stambouloffs policy, in obtaining the withdrawal of the obnoxious decree, would enable the Government to dismiss the Minister of War, whose dismissal, for private reasons into which I need not enter here, had become a political necessity, without incurring the risk of thereby exciting dissatisfaction in the army. The danger of the army’s becoming a political power would be far less serious if there was any considerable number of foreign officers in the Bulgarian service. But in this, as in all other matters, the intense popular dislike to the introduction of any foreign element stands in the way of the Government’s availing itself of the assistance of foreigners.

The Constitution

I know of few more curious documents than the Constitution of Bulgaria. It was drawn up, nominally, by the Constituent Assembly held at Tirnova in 1877, after the State had been liberated by Russia, and before Prince Alexander had been declared the ruler of the new prin-cipality. I should doubt whether, at that period, there were any considerable number, amidst the delegates of the emancipated peasantry, who were capable of devising a Constitution, or had any definite idea of what was meant by Parliamentary institutions. But even if the members of the Sobranje had all been apt pupil, it would have made very little difference.

In those days the fate of Bulgaria lay absolutely and entirely in the hands of Russia. If it had pleased the Czar to declare that, in his opinion, a republic or an absolute monarchy, instead of a constitutional kingdom, was the form of government best suited to Bulgaria, his recommendation would have sufficed to carry the day. So long as the new order of things terminated their subjection to Ottoman rule, and preserved the semblance of autonomy, the Bulgarians were well satisfied to leave the decision of what that order should be to their liberator and protector. Even if they had not been so satisfied, they would have had no choice except to take whatever institutions were provided for them from St Petersburg.

Whole administration of the country

It was expected at St. Petersburg that the reigning Prince, whoever he might be, would be a mere creature of Russia; and on the strength of this idea he was entrusted with powers so ample as to place the whole administration of the country entirely in his hands. But to guard against the eventuality of his not proving as subservient to Russia as was anticipated, he was handicapped by the institution of a Parliament, elected on the most democratic basis, and possessed of complete and independent control over the finances of the State.

Thus, if the Prince were to make difficulties in carrying out the policy recommended from St Petersburg, he could always, it was imagined, be brought to reason by the pressure of the National Assembly acting, as it was reasonable to suppose it would act, under the influence of Russia. The scheme was ingenious, and would probably have proved successful if the fatuous policy of the Russians in Bulgaria had not contrived to unite both the Prince and the Assembly in a common hostility to their Muscovite protectors.

Within little more than two years after Prince Alexander’s accession, the conflict of jurisdictions, to which I have alluded, made itself manifest M. Zankoff and his colleagues, the then Ministers of the State, were extreme partisans and almost avowed agents of Russia ; and in that capacity they proposed measures which the Prince considered injurious to the interests of the country.

Unknown German Prince

On the Continent, princes of royal lineage have little chance of distinguishing themselves personally in any way, other than military service; and Prince Ferdinand was still a mere child at the date of the last European war. It was, therefore, no fault of his, if the announcement that an unknown German Prince had been selected to be their future sovereign excited little enthusiasm amidst the people over whom he was called to reign. I question, however, whether a sovereign of far greater personal repute would have been welcomed with any degree of enthusiasm.

In as far as the Bulgarians troubled themselves about the choice of their ruler, their one desire was for the restoration of the Prince who had led their armies to victory, and who, as they held, had been sacrificed on account of his loyalty to Bulgaria. The late Prince’s restoration, however, was out of the question, and for Bulgaria, situated as she then was, the election of Prince Ferdinand was, if I may use a common phrase, Hobson’s choice. Hobson, whoever that mythical personage may have been, is not recorded to have entertained any special regard for the object of his enforced selection.

Under these circumstances, the reigning Prince started on his career heavily handicapped. He was a very young man, even in a country where all the leading men are far younger than the average of Ministers in States of less recent organization. Of necessity, he was completely ignorant of the language, character, and conditions of the country over which he was appointed ruler ; and at the outset he suffered by comparison with the previous occupant of the throne. Prince Alexander was brave to a fault, a gallant soldier, and possessed of that easy-going bonhommie which furnishes the best passport to the affections of plain, simple country-folk.

The Prince

Amongst the many strange vicissitudes which Bulgaria has experienced during her chequered fortunes, not the least strange is the fact that the Sovereign of this Peasant State should happen to be his Royal Highness Prince Ferdinand of Saxe-Coburg. His reign has hitherto proved eminently successful, but even the warmest partisans would admit that, at the time when the Prince ascended the throne, his success seemed more than doubtful After the collapse of Prince Alexander, the difficulty of finding a fit successor to the throne proved well-nigh insuperable.

The Bulgarians would not hear of the Prince of Mingrelia or of any other nominee of Russia being appointed as their ruler. On the other hand, it was absolutely certain that any Prince, not nominated by Russia, would be exposed to the same hostile influences which had brought about the military mutiny against his predecessor, and which led to his virtual deposition. The late Prince had been singularly fortunate in the circumstances of his short-lived reign almost up to the period of its dramatic termination.

Bulgarian nationality

He had added Eastern Roumelia to the territory of Bulgaria; he had defeated Servia; he had fulfilled the aspirations and resuscitated the traditional glories of the Bulgarian nationality; and by these achievements, no less than by his gallant bearing and charm of manner, he had won the affections of a people singularly distrustful and suspicious of foreigners. If, with all these advantages in his favour, the hero of Slievnitza had been unable to maintain himself on his throne, there seemed to be but a sorry chance of any other foreign Prince succeeding where Alexander had failed. It is not too much to say that for some time the crown of Bulgaria was in the market, and in a market without buyers. Probably, if Bulgaria had been left free to determine her own future, she would at this crisis of her history have converted herself into a Republic.

Holy Synod

All these general principles are declared subject to the terms of laws to be enacted later. In some cases, the laws bearing on these subjects have not yet been formulated. Up to the present, however, the tendency of all Bulgarian legislation has been in conformity with the principles recited in the fundamental charter.

The Prince has an income of £ 24,000 a year guaranteed him by the Constitution. This income cannot be increased except by the vote of the Sobranje, or reduced without his own consent. The Salic law regulates the succession to the throne. The Prince and his heirs are not permitted to profess any other religion than the orthodox Greek faith ; but an exception is made in favour of any prince who happens, at the time of his election, to belong to any other religious communion. The orthodox Christian faith of the Eastern rite is proclaimed to be the State religion ; and the authority of the Holy Synod, in all spiritual matters, is recognized as paramount. Universal military service is made incumbent on all Bulgarian male subjects, irrespective of race or creed ; but the precise terms of army service are left to be determined by future legislation. Primary education is also declared to be compulsory and gratuitous.

Such are the principal provisions of this curious charter. With the grave exception I have referred to above, this -draft Constitution—framed as it was, necessarily, in extreme haste, and with a very imperfect knowledge of the true conditions of the country—forms a not inadequate charter of Bulgarian liberties. On the whole, it has worked well; the country at large has, apparently, no desire for any fundamental change in its provisions.

Last year a meeting of the Grand Sobranje was held at Timova. At this session, the title of the reigning Prince was altered from Highness to Royal Highness; and, in view of his then impending marriage, it was further decreed that, if he had a son and heir, the young Prince might be educated in the Catholic faith, the religion of his parents, without vitiating in any way his right of succession to the throne.

Legislative and administrative policy

He learned to speak Bulgarian fluently, if not accurately; he became conversant with the life and ideas of the people; he studied their necessities, requirements, and ambitions; and he soon felt himself competent to form and express an opinion on all matters of legislative and administrative policy. His Ministers were not slow in making the discovery that the Prince did not intend to rest satisfied with the titular position of a King, but was resolved to exercise the full authority of a constitutional sovereign.

While holding himself studiously aloof from all questions of party politics, he had the good sense to support steadily the statesmen who then commanded the confidence of the country; his influence has been uniformly exerted in favour of a prudent and cautious policy in foreign affairs. If Bulgaria, under the present reign, has sub-ordinated her national aspirations to the development of her internal resources, and to the re-organization of her civil and military administration, this result has been due in a very large degree to the influence of the palace.

Prince Ferdinand never has acquired, and probably never will acquire, the personal hold on the affections of his subjects which was obtained by Prince Alexander. But he has succeeded in inspiring them with the conviction that he has their welfare at heart, and that he is the champion of their national independence.

Majesty

I am not sure also whether his determination to surround himself with the paraphernalia of royalty and to keep up all the etiquette and state of a regular Court is not due to policy as much as to personal inclinatioa There is a good deal of truth in the old riddle about what Majesty becomes when stripped of its externals; human nature is a mass of contradictions everywhere; and I am inclined to think that the Bulgarians—precisely because their own habits, tastes, and ideas are of the peasant order—have a higher respect for the King who is a King, with a Court which is a Court, than they would have for a Prince who was content to be treated simply and solely as the chief magistrate of a peasant commonwealth.

Princess Marie

Within the last few months various events have con-tributed to render the relations between the Prince and his people more intimate and cordial than they were before. His visit to the West, and the reception he received in Austria, and still more in England, were gratifying to his people as evidence of the importance attached to Bulgaria abroad. Then, too, the Prince gained ground in popular opinion by his marriage last year with the Princess Marie of Parma. The choice of the bride was acceptable to the country from the fact of her representing the house of Bourbon, and of her thus claiming relationship by birth with half the royal dynasties of Europe.

Moreover, by her charm of manner and kindliness of nature, the Princess Marie soon made herself popular in her adopted country; and the feeling of general good-will entertained towards her was intensified when, at the commencement of this year, she gave birth to a son, who was born on Bulgarian soil, and who was given by his parents the name of Boris, the national hero of Bulgarian tradition. The father of a Bulgarian Prince could no longer be regarded as a foreigner, and the dynasty has now acquired a national character which, even under Prince Alexander, it had never quite possessed. An old resident here told me that he had never witnessed such a display of enthusiasm amongst a people singularly undemonstrative by character, as that which greeted the announcement of Prince Boris’s birth.

The popular feeling about the infant Prince would probably have been far more enthusiastic if his parents had consented to have him brought up in the Orthodox Greek Faith. If the babe ever grows up to manhood he will, if he is wise, recognize the political advantages of belonging to the same religion as his people. When the royal infant happens—as was the case the other day, during his parent’s sojourn at Eberfeld—to be the sole kingly occupant of the royal palace, a flag of his own is hoisted over the building. But, as he grows up, a creed of his own would be a more effective passport to Bulgarian respect and affection.

Again, the sudden death of Prince Alexander, which only preceded by a few weeks the birth of an heir to the Bulgarian throne, removed a source of possible danger from the path of the reigning dynasty. Before that event all Bulgarians, who, from one cause or another, were dissatisfied with the existing regime, could always contemplate the possibility of Prince Alexander’s restoration as a means of redressing the grievances, whether real or imaginary, under which they considered themselves to suffer.

Prince was the exact opposite

While indifferent to etiquette, he could, when the necessity arose, assume a commanding manner and aspect; and as long as he could hunt and shoot and drill his troops, he was very well satisfied to leave the administration of public affairs in the hands of his Ministers. The new Prince was the exact opposite of his predecessor in almost every respect. He is distinguished in look, and knows how to bear himself with dignity on State occasions, but there is nothing whatever about him of the beau sabreur of which Alexander was so striking a specimen.

Austrian Court

Bom late in his parents’ lifetime, he had always been delicate from his childhood, and, I should think, had as little natural liking for sport or soldiering as any man, educated in the atmosphere of the Austrian Court, could well have acquired. Culture and high breeding and distinction of manner are not qualities which appeal greatly to a peasant community; while a love of ceremonial, a taste for etiquette, and a respect for the forms and usages of Court life are uncongenial to a people accustomed to a very plain, very simple, and very frugal mode of life, and much averse to any alteration of their usual habits.

I gather, therefore, that on his accession the Prince was regarded by his subjects, and even by his Ministers, as a sort of show King, who took no interest in anything beyond the pomp and pageantry of sovereignty. In the early days of his reign he was obliged, owing to his ignorance of the country and the language, to leave State matters under the control of his Ministers. He set, however, steadily to work to make himself acquainted with the country over which he had to rule.